Why Does Mike Rowe Love This Economics Book?

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They say that authors are not the best judges of their greatest work. Only the wisdom of time can determine that. This seems especially true of Henry Hazlitt. Seventy years after he wrote Economics in One Lesson, the book is still going strong. Most recently, it was recommended by Mike Rowe:

 

Spend a few hours every week studying American history, human nature, and economic theory. Start with “Economics in One Lesson.” Then try Keynes. Then Hayek. Then Marx. Then Hegel. Develop a worldview that you can articulate as well as defend. Test your theory with people who disagree with you. Debate. Argue. Adjust your philosophy as necessary. Then, when the next election comes around, cast a vote for the candidate whose worldview seems most in line with your own.

 

Or, don’t. None of the freedoms spelled out in our Constitution were put there so people could cast uninformed ballots out of some misplaced sense of civic duty brought on by a celebrity guilt-trip. The right to assemble, to protest, to speak freely – these rights were included to help assure that the best ideas and the best candidates would emerge from the most transparent process possible.

 

Just last week, I heard Mike speak. He loves the real world – and I can understand his conviction of the sheer fakeness of the world imagined by politicians. Hazlitt shared that same view, and this comes through in the text.

 

This brings to mind one of the special moments in my life. Before his death in 1993, I sat in the back of a limousine on the way to dinner with Henry Hazlitt and discussed the book. I asked him if he felt pride that his book was still a best seller. He said that he did not, since he didn’t think it was very good. A book he felt genuinely proud of was Foundations of Morality – probably one of his least known works.

 

Pushed Out by the New York Times

Before starting his next job, Hazlitt decided to take a few weeks to write a primer on basic economics. His attitude is understandable when you consider the context in which Lesson was written. For twelve years, he had been writing daily editorials, mostly unsigned, for the New York Times. He was also writing book reviews under his own name for the Sunday paper. He was aware of the ideological conflicts at the paper. There were many partisans for the New Deal. He was not among them. But his status was protected there because of the desire for diversity of opinion.

 

But as the war was ending, the paper had to make a choice. Powerful elites had gathered to cobble together a post-war planning apparatus that included a world bank and a new system of monetary management. It was the new dollar standard – one not entirely divorced from gold, but the US dollar would be the only currency tied to gold. The rest of the developed world would tie their currencies to the dollar.

 

Hazlitt knew that it couldn’t work. The US was not in a position to determine the fiscal policies of other nations. They would not feel the discipline that gold would impose and would be incentivized to spend freely without facing downward currency pressure. This would ultimately cause gold outflows from the US as the demand for gold would rise, even as its dollar price was fixed. This would prompt unsustainable gold outflows. The imbalances would cry out for correction and the whole system would collapse.

Fired (Sort of)

 

Hazlitt explained this day after day. But as time went on, it became ever more clear that the Bretton Woods system was a foregone conclusion. The paper would have to adjust. The editor brought Hazlitt in and told him to stop editorializing against it. Hazlitt complied but also began to tidy his desk to prepare his resignation. He left in 1946.

 

His next job was writing for Newsweek, while also helping Leonard Read get the newly formed Foundation for Economic Education going. He had also become good friends with Ludwig von Mises, and eagerly anticipated serving as his literary champion.

 

It is doing for us in 2016 what it did for people in 1946: teaching the fundamental truths.But before starting his new job, Hazlitt decided to take a few weeks to write a primer on basic economics. After all, it was what the world needed now. He wrote it in a white heat, putting on paper all the apparatus he carried in his head. He avoided hard theory but jumped straight to the large lesson: economics is about the effects of policies on all groups over the long run, not isolated groups in the short run. He applied it as broadly as possible to all existing political and economic controversies.

 

Why does a book become a wild best seller? The title. The timing. The clarity of content. The benefit it provides to the reader. There are many reasons, and, for whatever reason, it all came together for Hazlitt in this one book. It would secure his reputation. To his private dismay, it would be the text that would define his legacy.

 

Since Rowe recommended it, FEE.org has been blowing up with hits and downloads of the book. Good. It is doing for us in 2016 what it did for people in 1946: teaching the fundamental truths. And given the way things are going in this election, which has provided frequent occasions for  head-slapping for many months now, it is once again serving its intended purpose.

Economics must be taught anew in every generation. Hazlitt continues to be the world’s teacher.

Bretton Woods is long dead. But this book lives on.

 

Jeffrey Tucker

Jeffrey Tucker

Jeffrey Tucker is Director of Content for the Foundation for Economic Education and CLO of the startup Liberty.me. Author of five books, and many thousands of articles, he speaks at FEE summer seminars and other events. His latest book is Bit by Bit: How P2P Is Freeing the World.  Follow on Twitter and Like on Facebook. Email

This article was originally published on FEE.org. Read the original article.

Continue reading “Why Does Mike Rowe Love This Economics Book?”

Episode 61 – 8. The Future of Libertarianism – Murray N Rothbard

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20th Century American Economic History

8. The Future of Libertarianism

Lecture by Murray N. Rothbard

Rothbard explains why he is optimistic. The norm of civilization has been despotism and statism. The quantum quality change in history has been the Industrial Revolution from mid-18th Century to mid-19th. Only the free market, libertarian society can expand this viable and moral industrialism. A society without a ruling class results. Peace and a classless society are classical liberal goals.

Some individuals seize control of the state apparatus and use taxes to rob the producers. Class conflicts occur because one group in society are tax eaters and the other group are tax payers.

Industrialism created so much wealth that cartels and Keynesianism have been able to eat away at the fat. Yet, the cause and effect chain is now much shorter. Shortages resulting from price controls now show up quickly. There is a general revulsion against the state.

8 of 8 from Murray Rothbard’s 20th Century American Economic History lecture series.

Sourced from: https://mises.org/library/20th-century-american-economic-history

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Read Rothbard is comprised of a small group of voluntaryists who are fans of Murray N. Rothbard. We curate content on the www.ReadRothbard.com site including books, lectures, articles, speeches, and we make a weekly podcast based on his free-market approach to economics. Our focus is on education and how advancement in technology improves the living standards of the average person.

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The Actual Anarchy Podcast is all about Maximum Freedom. We look at movies and current events from a Rothbardian Anarchist perspective. If it’s voluntary, we’re cool with it. If it’s not, then it violated the Non-Aggression Principle and Property Rights – the core tenants of Libertarian Theory – and hence – human freedom.

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Source: Enemy of the State – Episode 61 – 8. The Future of Libertarianism – Murray N Rothbard

Book Review: Islamic Exceptionalism

Islamic Exceptionalism is a book about the relationship between Islam and the modern nation-state by American author Shadi Hamid. The book explores the role that Islam has played in the development of the Middle East, as well as the currently ongoing conflicts there. The book is divided into eight chapters, each focusing on a different Muslim country or other aspect of the situation. The first chapter begins with the overthrow of Hosni Mubarak in February 2011, the 2013 coup against Mohamed Morsi two years later, and the massacre of Muslim Brotherhood members by the Egyptian military. These are contrasted with the activities of the Islamic State. Hamid spends much of the chapter laying out the subject matter and structure of the rest of the book, which include the role of Islam in political affairs, the unique history and teachings of Islam, and the effects that this history and these teachings are likely to have. Hamid’s explorations of these questions leads him to question the mainstream liberal narrative of Whig historiography, democratic supremacy, and progressive determinism, though he never quite manages to reject this narrative. He contrasts Muslim countries which have experienced great political unrest, such as Egypt, Tunisia, and Syria, with those that have not, such as Iran, Indonesia, and Malaysia. He then explains the differences between contemporary Muslim countries and European countries in the 1950s, suggesting that what worked in Europe will not work in the Middle East. Hamid ends the chapter by contemplating the compatibility of Islam and democracy. Hamid goes into a history lesson of Islam in the second chapter, as the present cannot be understood without knowledge of the past. The idea of glorious achievements threatened by internecine killings permeates Islamic history from the beginning, and this coupling continues to shape the Middle East today. The decline and fall of the Ottoman caliphate has left a longing for the return of a caliphate, and ISIS has been more than happy to try to meet this demand. He compares the founding of Islam to the founding of Christianity, as well as sharia law to halakhic law. The relative flexibility and adaptability of Islam compared to other religions is explored in order to explain the simultaneous perceptions of Islam as both modern and medieval. The chapter ends with a discussion of the Christian Reformation, which segues into the next chapter. Read the entire article at ZerothPosition.com

The post Book Review: Islamic Exceptionalism appeared first on The Zeroth Position.

Source: Reece Liberty.Me – Book Review: Islamic Exceptionalism

Abolish the Police

By Murray Rothbard

Abоlіtіоn оf thе рublіс ѕесtоr means, of соurѕе, thаt all ріесеѕ оf lаnd, аll land аrеаѕ, including streets аnd roads, wоuld bе оwnеd рrіvаtеlу, by іndіvіduаlѕ, соrроrаtіоnѕ, соореrаtіvеѕ, оr аnу other vоluntаrу grоuріngѕ оf іndіvіduаlѕ аnd саріtаl. The fасt that аll ѕtrееtѕ аnd lаnd аrеаѕ wоuld bе рrіvаtе wоuld bу itself ѕоlvе mаnу of the seemingly іnѕоlublе problems оf private ореrаtіоn. What we nееd tо do іѕ tо reorient оur thіnkіng tо consider a world in which all lаnd аrеаѕ are рrіvаtеlу оwnеd. 

Lеt uѕ tаkе, for example, роlісе рrоtесtіоn. Hоw would police protection bе furnіѕhеd іn a tоtаllу private есоnоmу? 

Part оf thе аnѕwеr bесоmеѕ еvіdеnt іf we consider a world оf tоtаllу рrіvаtе land аnd street ownership. Cоnѕіdеr thе Times Sԛuаrе area of New Yоrk City, a notoriously crime-ridden аrеа whеrе there іѕ lіttlе police рrоtесtіоn furnіѕhеd bу thе сіtу аuthоrіtіеѕ. Evеrу Nеw Yоrkеr knоwѕ, іn fасt, thаt he lіvеѕ аnd wаlkѕ the streets, аnd not only Tіmеѕ Sԛuаrе, virtually іn a state оf “anarchy,” dереndеnt ѕоlеlу оn the nоrmаl реасеfulnеѕѕ аnd gооd wіll оf his fеllоw сіtіzеnѕ. Pоlісе рrоtесtіоn іn New Yоrk іѕ mіnіmаl, a fact drаmаtісаllу rеvеаlеd іn a recent week-long роlісе ѕtrіkе whеn, lо аnd bеhоld!, crime іn nо way іnсrеаѕеd frоm its nоrmаl ѕtаtе whеn thе роlісе аrе supposedly аlеrt and оn thе jоb. 

At аnу rаtе, suppose thаt thе Tіmеѕ Sԛuаrе area, іnсludіng thе streets, wаѕ privately оwnеd, say bу the “Tіmеѕ Sԛuаrе Mеrсhаntѕ Aѕѕосіаtіоn.” Thе merchants would knоw full wеll, оf соurѕе, thаt іf сrіmе was rampant in their аrеа, іf muggings аnd hоlduрѕ аbоundеd, thеn their customers would fаdе аwау and wоuld раtrоnіzе соmреtіng аrеаѕ and neighborhoods. Hеnсе, іt wоuld bе tо the economic interest оf thе merchants’ association to supply efficient аnd рlеntіful роlісе protection, ѕо thаt сuѕtоmеrѕ wоuld bе аttrасtеd tо, rаthеr than rереllеd from, their nеіghbоrhооd. Private business, аftеr аll, іѕ always trуіng tо attract аnd kеер іtѕ customers. 

But whаt gооd would bе served bу attractive ѕtоrе dіѕрlауѕ аnd расkаgіng, рlеаѕаnt lіghtіng аnd соurtеоuѕ service, іf thе сuѕtоmеrѕ may be robbed or аѕѕаultеd if they walk thrоugh thе аrеа? 

Thе merchants’ association, furthеrmоrе, wоuld bе іnduсеd, bу thеіr drіvе for profits аnd fоr аvоіdіng lоѕѕеѕ, to supply nоt оnlу ѕuffісіеnt роlісе рrоtесtіоn but also соurtеоuѕ and рlеаѕаnt рrоtесtіоn. Gоvеrnmеntаl роlісе have not оnlу nо іnсеntіvе tо bе еffісіеnt оr worry аbоut their “сuѕtоmеrѕ’” nееdѕ; they also lіvе wіth thе еvеr-рrеѕеnt tеmрtаtіоn to wield thеіr power of fоrсе іn a brutal and coercive mаnnеr. 

“Pоlісе brutality” іѕ a wеll-knоwn feature оf thе роlісе system, аnd it іѕ hеld іn сhесk only bу rеmоtе complaints оf thе hаrаѕѕеd сіtіzеnrу. But іf thе private mеrсhаntѕ’ police ѕhоuld yield to thе tеmрtаtіоn of brutalizing the mеrсhаntѕ’ customers, those customers wіll ԛuісklу dіѕарреаr аnd go еlѕеwhеrе. Hеnсе, the mеrсhаntѕ’ аѕѕосіаtіоn will see tо іt thаt іtѕ роlісе аrе courteous as well аѕ рlеntіful. Suсh еffісіеnt and hіgh-ԛuаlіtу роlісе protection would prevail thrоughоut thе lаnd, throughout аll thе рrіvаtе streets аnd land areas. 

Fасtоrіеѕ would guаrd thеіr ѕtrееt аrеаѕ, mеrсhаntѕ their ѕtrееtѕ, аnd road соmраnіеѕ would рrоvіdе ѕаfе аnd еffісіеnt роlісе protection fоr their tоll roads and other privately owned rоаdѕ. Thе ѕаmе wоuld bе truе for rеѕіdеntіаl nеіghbоrhооdѕ. 

We саn envision twо роѕѕіblе tуреѕ оf рrіvаtе street оwnеrѕhір іn ѕuсh nеіghbоrhооdѕ. In one tуре, all the lаndоwnеrѕ in a сеrtаіn blосk might bесоmе thе jоіnt оwnеrѕ оf that blосk, lеt uѕ say аѕ thе “85th St. Blосk Cоmраnу.” This соmраnу wоuld thеn provide police рrоtесtіоn, the соѕtѕ being раіd еіthеr bу thе hоmе-оwnеrѕ directly оr оut оf tenants’ rеnt if thе ѕtrееt іnсludеѕ rental араrtmеntѕ. Again, hоmеоwnеrѕ wіll оf соurѕе have a direct interest in ѕееіng thаt thеіr block іѕ safe, while lаndlоrdѕ wіll try tо аttrасt tеnаntѕ by ѕuррlуіng ѕаfе ѕtrееtѕ іn аddіtіоn to thе more usual services ѕuсh аѕ hеаt, water, and janitorial service. ‘ 

To ask why landlords ѕhоuld provide ѕаfе ѕtrееtѕ in thе libertarian, fully рrіvаtе ѕосіеtу is juѕt as ѕіllу аѕ аѕkіng now whу thеу ѕhоuld рrоvіdе thеіr tеnаntѕ wіth heat оr hоt wаtеr. Thе force оf соmреtіtіоn аnd of соnѕumеr dеmаnd would make them ѕuррlу ѕuсh ѕеrvісеѕ. Furthermore, whether we аrе соnѕіdеrіng homeowners or rеntаl housing, іn еіthеr саѕе the саріtаl vаluе of the lаnd and thе hоuѕе wіll bе a function оf the safety оf thе street аѕ wеll аѕ оf thе other wеll-knоwn сhаrасtеrіѕtісѕ of the hоuѕе аnd the nеіghbоrhооd. 

Sаfе аnd wеll-раtrоllеd ѕtrееtѕ will rаіѕе thе vаluе of thе lаndоwnеrѕ’ lаnd and hоuѕеѕ іn the same way аѕ wеll-tеndеd houses dо; crime-ridden streets wіll lоwеr the value оf the land аnd hоuѕеѕ as surely аѕ dilapidated hоuѕіng іtѕеlf does. Since lаndоwnеrѕ аlwауѕ рrеfеr hіghеr tо lоwеr mаrkеt values for thеіr рrореrtу, there іѕ a built-in іnсеntіvе to рrоvіdе еffісіеnt, well -paved, аnd ѕаfе ѕtrееtѕ. 

Private enterprise does еxіѕt, and ѕо most реорlе саn rеаdіlу еnvіѕіоn a frее mаrkеt in most goods and ѕеrvісеѕ. Prоbаblу thе most difficult ѕіnglе area to grаѕр, hоwеvеr, іѕ the аbоlіtіоn оf government ореrаtіоnѕ іn the ѕеrvісе of protection: police, the соurtѕ, еtс. — the аrеа encompassing defense оf person and property аgаіnѕt attack or іnvаѕіоn. 

Hоw соuld рrіvаtе еntеrрrіѕе аnd thе frее mаrkеt possibly provide such service? How соuld роlісе, lеgаl ѕуѕtеmѕ, judicial ѕеrvісеѕ, lаw enforcement, prisons — how could thеѕе be provided in a frее mаrkеt? 

Wе hаvе аlrеаdу seen how a grеаt deal of police рrоtесtіоn, аt thе least, could be supplied bу the various оwnеrѕ of streets аnd lаnd аrеаѕ. But we now nееd to еxаmіnе thіѕ entire area ѕуѕtеmаtісаllу. In thе fіrѕt рlасе, thеrе іѕ a common fаllасу, hеld even by most аdvосаtеѕ оf lаіѕѕеz-fаіrе, thаt thе government muѕt ѕuррlу “роlісе рrоtесtіоn,” аѕ if police protection wеrе a single, absolute entity, a fіxеd ԛuаntіtу оf something whісh thе gоvеrnmеnt supplies tо аll. But іn асtuаl fact there іѕ nо аbѕоlutе соmmоdіtу called “роlісе рrоtесtіоn” any more than there is аn absolute ѕіnglе commodity called “fооd” оr “shelter.” 

It іѕ truе thаt еvеrуоnе рауѕ taxes for a ѕееmіnglу fіxеd ԛuаntіtу оf рrоtесtіоn, but this is a mуth. In асtuаl fасt, thеrе аrе аlmоѕt infinite dеgrееѕ оf аll sorts of рrоtесtіоn. Fоr аnу given person оr buѕіnеѕѕ, thе police саn рrоvіdе everything frоm a policeman оn the beat whо раtrоlѕ оnсе a night, to two policemen раtrоllіng constantly оn еасh blосk, to сruіѕіng patrol cars, tо оnе or еvеn several round-the-clock реrѕоnаl bоdуguаrdѕ. 

Furthеrmоrе, thеrе are mаnу other dесіѕіоnѕ the роlісе muѕt make, thе complexity оf which becomes еvіdеnt аѕ soon аѕ wе lооk beneath the veil оf the myth оf absolute “protection.” Hоw ѕhаll the роlісе аllосаtе thеіr funds whісh аrе, of course, always lіmіtеd аѕ are thе fundѕ of аll other іndіvіduаlѕ, organizations, and аgеnсіеѕ? How much ѕhаll the роlісе іnvеѕt іn еlесtrоnіс еԛuірmеnt? fіngеrрrіntіng equipment? dеtесtіvеѕ аѕ аgаіnѕt uniformed police? раtrоl саrѕ as against fооt роlісе, еtс.?  Continue reading “Abolish the Police”

The Signal and the Noise, By Nate Silver: An Austrian Review

By Daniel Jepson


Nate Silver is a figure who needs no introduction – thanks to the spectacular success of his election forecasting system, he has become a household name in recent years. In late 2012 he released a book, The Signal and The Noise, which quickly became a bestseller. In it, he discusses the art of using data intelligently in order to make predictions, with illustrative chapters showing how the ideas can be applied to fields ranging from climate science to poker. It is, overall, a superb book, meticulously researched and lucidly written, and Silver’s versatility in discussing such a wide variety of real-world applications is particularly impressive.

However, Silver conspicuously fails to ask one very important question: how do we know which disciplines are amenable to this type of empirical reasoning in the first place? Nowhere in the book does he question the assumption – so common in modern discourse – that the road to understanding always lies in data; that if a field of inquiry can conceivably be approached via study of quantitative variables, there is no question that it should. As such, it will come as no surprise to an Austrian reader that when Silver turns his attention to economics, the results are far from convincing, even when taken on their own terms. Interestingly, the economics chapter does contain a healthy dose of Silver’s typically incisive reasoning; despite the inauspicious choice of Paul Krugman as one of his primary sources, he nonetheless manages to form a perceptively critical evaluation of the profession’s status quo, astutely highlighting many of the difficulties that economists currently face. But because he stops short of questioning the central premise of modern economics – that an economy can be evaluated through statistical measurements, and that forecasting these measurements is therefore what economics is ultimately all about – he is unable to resolve these difficulties satisfactorily, and his conclusions end up ringing decidedly hollow. A later chapter in the book is devoted to the Efficient Market Hypothesis, and the particular phenomenon of bubbles; here Silver’s approach gets him into even deeper trouble, and his explanation ends up being entirely unconvincing. It may seem unfair and unproductive to criticize an economics discussion in what is primarily a book about other topics. We nonetheless find it worthwhile to do so, because The Signal and The Noise serves as a particularly vivid illustration of the importance of methodology in the ongoing debate between Austrians and mainstream economists. Continue reading “The Signal and the Noise, By Nate Silver: An Austrian Review”

Episode 20 – The Big Short (1:50:41)

We bring on a special guest, Daniel J., to discuss the allegedly true (hence the asterisk) story behind the housing bust and subsequent financial crisis of 2008 as depicted in The Big Short (also a book of the same name by Michael Lewis) .  There is a lot going on here, and we don’t even get to the asymmetrical aptitudes of the players vs. the regulators, or the scandal involving the regulators spending their time looking at porn, or the alarm-bells being sounded by the likes of Brooksley Born that went unheeded.

 

The Big Short:

Here is the trailer:

Here is the marketing spin on the movie:

Based on the true story of four outsiders who saw what the big banks, media and government refused to: the global collapse of the economy. A bold investment leads them into the dark underbelly of banking, where everyone and everything is in question.

In 2008, Wall Street guru Michael Burry realizes that a number of subprime home loans are in danger of defaulting. Burry bets against the housing market by throwing more than $1 billion of his investors’ money into credit default swaps. His actions attract the attention of banker Jared Vennett (Ryan Gosling), hedge-fund specialist Mark Baum (Steve Carell) and other greedy opportunists. Together, these men make a fortune by taking full advantage of the impending economic collapse in America.

Continue reading “Episode 20 – The Big Short (1:50:41)”

Joining the Conversation: The Future of Liberty Weekly

I am pleased to announce that Liberty Weekly will be celebrating its first anniversary on June 23, 2017!

One year ago today, I was preparing to write the final round of finals and conclude my first year of law school. The ten months of 1L year contained much self-doubt and anxiety. I even developed a habit of tooth-grinding, which has persisted. Law school is by far the hardest thing I’ve ever had to do.

But, to this point it has been worth it–the unholy magic that is law school did its job. This cushy liberal arts major (English) was pounded into human dust, then reconstructed with a cold, analytical mind and a vampiric lust for blood that only an attorney could possess.

After 1L year, I picked up a data entry job managing the alumni database at my school. I worked with some great people, but the job itself was very mind-numbing. So to stay entertained, I discovered the libertarian podcasting community!

Of course, the Tom Woods Show quickly became a staple in my work routine. Although I was a Misesian free market anarchist before listening to Tom, my knowledge grew exponentially during that summer I spent doing data entry, planning my wedding, and reading Murray Rothbard.

As the dinosaur mainstream media slowly suicides via its blatant lies, obsolete business model, and lap-dog coverage, people are turning more and more to decentralized forms of entertainment and media production. This, my friends, is where the future of the liberty movement lies.

As more and more people turn to these decentralized forms of communication, the marketplace has opened for independent media providers to spread the liberty message. As we know, the free market is the best mechanism for prosperity and true human progress. Why not use it to disseminate the message of liberty and true human progress?

By creating Liberty Weekly, my intent was to simply join in that conversation and spread the message. I did so with the hope that the site could eventually attract enough attention to monetize.

While that is still my intention, it has always been a struggle to produce quality content with the kind of consistency that would grow the site beyond 90 views per week, especially while juggling my marriage, clerking obligations, and law school.

Now that I feel like I have more time and motivation–I want to take Liberty Weekly to the next level!

With that, I am very pleased to announce the return of regular content to Liberty Weekly and the coming launch of the Liberty Weekly Podcast with a pre-June launch date!

The podcast will focus on much of the same content that appears in previous articles published on the site. It will also have guest appearances and will contain more substantive coverage of libertarian theory, economics, and history. Of course, the content is subject to change based on audience input.

I am also pleased to announce that Liberty Weekly will be welcoming a regular co-host to the podcast, who will introduce himself at launch. He very knowledgeable and is great at conveying the message. I am very excited at what he brings to the table.

I will also be updating the free E-Book signup option to consist of a  public policy analysis of the war on drugs from an Austrian market-process approach. It will definitely compliment your logical arsenal for use against the statists. I know that you will love it.

The best way to experience Liberty Weekly and receive updates going forward is by signing up for our email list, where I am launching a new campaign with a more exclusive, personalized feel. Join the Liberty Weekly Elite!

Finally, I would like to extend a heartfelt thanks to all those who have been keeping tabs on my work here. My hope is that we will see Liberty Weekly grow exponentially together. I am thrilled to get started!

Best,

Pat MacFarlane

Be sure to follow Liberty Weekly on social media for any updates!

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Source: Liberty Weekly – Joining the Conversation: The Future of Liberty Weekly

Do You Hate the State?

By Murray N. Rothbard


I have been ruminating recently on what are the crucial questions that divide libertarians. Some that have received a lot of attention in the last few years are: anarcho-capitalism vs. limited government, abolitionism vs. gradualism, natural rights vs. utilitarianism, and war vs. peace. But I have concluded that as important as these questions are, they don’t really cut to the nub of the issue, of the crucial dividing line between us.

Let us take, for example, two of the leading anarcho-capitalist works of the last few years: my own For a New Liberty and David Friedman’s Machinery of Freedom. Superficially, the major differences between them are my own stand for natural rights and for a rational libertarian law code, in contrast to Friedman’s amoralist utilitarianism and call for logrolling and trade-offs between nonlibertarian private police agencies. But the difference really cuts far deeper. There runs through For a New Liberty (and most of the rest of my work as well) a deep and pervasive hatred of the State and all of its works, based on the conviction that the State is the enemy of mankind. In contrast, it is evident that David does not hate the State at all; that he has merely arrived at the conviction that anarchism and competing private police forces are a better social and economic system than any other alternative. Or, more fully, that anarchism would be better than laissez-faire, which in turn is better than the current system. Amidst the entire spectrum of political alternatives, David Friedman has decided that anarcho-capitalism is superior. But superior to an existing political structure which is pretty good too. In short, there is no sign that David Friedman in any sense hates the existing American State or the State per se, hates it deep in his belly as a predatory gang of robbers, enslavers, and murderers. No, there is simply the cool conviction that anarchism would be the best of all possible worlds, but that our current set-up is pretty far up with it in desirability. For there is no sense in Friedman that the State — any State — is a predatory gang of criminals. Continue reading “Do You Hate the State?”

FPF #33 – 99 Days of Trump

On FPF #33, I dive into Trump’s foreign policy in the first 99 days. I break down all his major foreign policy moves. Trump’s foreign policy is hawkish and a betrayal of his campaign promises. Trump’s personal and early decisions suggest his foreign policy will not put American first. 

Source: Foreign Policy Focus – FPF #33 – 99 Days of Trump